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Defining Sexual Orientation: A Proposal for a New Definition
Laws prohibiting discrimination based on sexual orientation are becoming more common in all parts of the world. Few of these laws provide useful definitions of the term sexual orientation. As a result, the meaning and impact of these laws remains unclear. This Article reviews past and current definitions of sexual orientation according to how well they incorporate current empirical knowledge of sexual orientation, and how their use in human rights laws impacts the dignity, right to equality, and human development of sexual minorities. The Article gives particular attention to the definition of sexual orientation found in the Yogyakarta Principles which has been adopted by a number of jurisdictions throughout the world. Because this definition views sexual orientation through a heteronormative lens, its use restricts sexual freedoms and undermines the dignity of individuals with non-confirming sexual orientations. The Article proposes a multidimensional definition of sexual orientation grounded in current scientific knowledge of how sexual orientation is manifested in the lives of sexual minorities.Pregnant Transgender People: What to Expect from the Court of Justice of the European Union’s Jurisprudence on Pregnancy Discrimination
Pregnant transgender people’s experiences vary: they may identify as male or non-binary and may seek gender-affirming medical care to different degrees. This variety in gender identities and bodies puts additional pressure on CJEU’s pregnancy discrimination case law—a case law that is, as this Article argues, already flawed. Building on a critique of the CJEU’s decision in Dekker, this Article discusses three alternative approaches to addressing pregnancy discrimination in EU law. The first two approaches are different ways of construing pregnancy discrimination as sex discrimination. First, the Article discusses a gender-stereotyping approach to direct sex discrimination, and, second, an indirect sex discrimination analysis. The third approach is to introduce a separate provision on pregnancy discrimination in EU legislation. This Article argues that this third approach provides the fullest protection for all types of pregnancy discrimination—including the pregnancy discrimination that pregnant transgender people experience.Cruel Dilemmas in Contemporary Fertility Care: Problematizing America’s Failure to Assure Access to Fertility Preservation for Trans Youth
Transgender youth are increasingly able to access gender-affirming healthcare. Because gender-affirming care such as hormone therapy is clinically shown to reduce gender dysphoria and ease physical and social transition, every major U.S. medical association recognizes that gender-affirming healthcare is medically necessary for the treatment of dysphoria. However, an important dimension of gender-affirming care remains under-insured and overpriced: fertility preservation (FP). Several studies indicate that hormone therapies and certain gender-affirming surgeries can have negative, long-term impacts on future fertility. Although these impacts can be mitigated through approved FP methods such as sperm cryopreservation and oocyte cryopreservation, such methods are rarely affordable for those who need them. These cost barriers largely exist because fertility care (including FP) remains excluded from most public and private insurance plans. Even though states have the regulatory authority to remedy this, only seventeen have taken steps to do so. This paper will demonstrate how the failure to provide coverage for fertility care forces young people into cruel dilemmas. Because gender-affirming care is, itself, expensive, paying additional out-of-pocket fees for FP is often not in the cards for many young people. Section I will delve into the landscape of FP coverage in the U.S. and the barriers that prevent people from accessing FP services. Section IV will then connect the lack of insurance coverage to a broader pattern of state efforts to withhold and eliminate child-bearing capacity, either directly or indirectly, from marginalized communities. Finally, Section III will offer legal and policy recommendations that could disrupt this history of reproductive oppression, and secure greater access to bodily autonomy for trans youth.Surrogacy and Parenthood: A European Saga of Genetic Essentialism and Gender Discrimination
This paper tells a story of shifting normativities, from tradition to modernity and back, regarding the recognition of legal parenthood in non-traditional families created through crossborder surrogacy. The cross-border nature of the surrogacy is often forced as most domestic legal frameworks in Europe still restrict the creation of non-traditional families through assisted reproductive technologies. Once back home, these families struggle to have birth certificates recognized and establish legal parenthood. The disjuncture between social reality and domestic law creates a situation of legal limbo. In its recent case law, the European Court of Human Rights has pushed for domestic authorities to rectify this situation but, at the same time, has filled the legal limbo with genetic essentialism and allowed for gender discrimination when recognizing legal parenthood. While giving full effect to a genetic father’s foreign birth certificate based on identity and best interests arguments, the Court accepts that a genetic mother must adopt to establish a legal parent-child relationship. The paper critically addresses this intriguing imbalance. It deconstructs the Court’s genetic essentialism encouraging a biologically determined view of parenting, which sidelines the social (i.e., non-genetically related) parent and contradicts the purpose of assisted reproduction to overcome biological barriers. The paper concludes by rejecting the gender-discriminatory element of power and control over legal motherhood imposed by the procedural step of adoption.Advancing Reproductive Justice in Latin America Through a Transitional Justice Lens
Reproductive autonomy is a pivotal part of women’s access to equal citizenship, yet it has not been included in any international nor regional human rights treaty. In the past decades, the U.N. Committees, notably the CEDAW Committee, and regional human rights bodies, particularly the Inter-American System for the Protection of Human Rights, have timidly advanced reproductive justice through their jurisprudence, including through the use of reparations. Drawing from the standards of reparations developed in the field of transitional justice, human rights bodies increasingly rely on reparations to enhance the transformative effects of their decisions. These reparations intend to include a gender-perspective in their design and aim to ensure the non-repetition of human rights violation, not only to the victim, but to society. Constitutional courts in Latin America are increasingly relying on the standards of reparations in their own decisions, including in those on reproductive justice. In this Article, I analyze two recent rulings from Latin American constitutional courts–one from Colombia and one from Ecuador–to understand how courts can use reparations to advance reproductive justice. I analyze these particular rulings for two reasons: (1) Both rulings have the potential to develop reproductive jurisprudence in the region where high courts have traditionally imported international and comparative law to resolve legal debates over reproductive rights; and (2) Both rulings challenge the traditional concept of reparations and offer an opportunity to rethink how the remedy can be deployed in a human rights context.Trek to Triumph
I was screaming in the stairwell of my home, holding a dead baby. The air was so thick that I could barely breathe. Tears were racing down my face as her twin sister, Zola, was screeching at the top of her lungs. “WHY LORD, don't take my baby!” Every emotion, every word, and every second after that moment felt black. All the sweet memories from just eight days of being able to hold her, kiss her, and love her fell in a black pit along with the dreams I had for my life. As I looked down at my sweet Zaina, I could not help but see at that moment that we were the same—lifeless. I rode to the hospital in the front of the ambulance while EMS performed CPR on her in the back. I kept repeating “breathe baby, please, just choose to live,” hoping that she would hear me and fight for her life. As the double doors to the emergency room swung open, the doctor took one look at her, and I could tell it was not good. My knees gave out and I fell onto the floor. It was so cold. There was nothing left that I could do. As I struggled to gather the strength to pick myself up from the cold ground, I realized something: nothing that could happen to me for the rest of my life is worse than this. Nothing is worse than losing a child. This was my biggest fear, and I was staring face-to-face with it at age twenty-three.Title IX and the Alleged Victimization of Men: Applying Twombly to Federal Title IX Lawsuits Brought by Men Accused of Sexual Assault
This Note provides a survey of the current state of Title IX law as applied to anti-male bias lawsuits and suggests how courts should apply Twombly’s plausibility standard to anti-male bias claims going forward. Part I of this Note provides an overview of sexual violence on college campuses and the history of Title IX regulations and jurisprudence. Part II offers a brief history of Title IX anti-male bias lawsuits, examines the structure of anti-male bias lawsuits, and analyzes the various pleading standards applied by courts. Part III lays out the types of facts pled by Title IX anti-male bias plaintiffs and discusses what facts should be viewed as sufficient to meet Twombly’s plausibility standard. In Part IV, this Note looks at the future of Title IX anti-male bias lawsuits in light of new federal regulations and discusses the implications of these lawsuits for claimants and respondents in campus Title IX proceedings.Reproduction and Gender Self-Determination: Fertile Grounds for Trans Legal Advocacy
Current medical constructions of trans identities reflect heterosexist understandings of gender expression—understandings that deny access to gender-affirming healthcare to those who fail to perform normative binary genders. As medical providers establish norms for how to “properly” be trans, the state codifies these norms, basing trans existence on rigidly defined and harshly enforced understandings of binary gender. When this construction of transness is codified on an institutional level, such as with gender reclassification rules for government identification, it forces trans people to conform their bodies to cisgender norms, and dangerously disrupts trans people’s bodily autonomy and diminishes their control over their reproductive choices. This Article contends that the gender conformity that the state requires of trans people parallels the violence that the state has inflicted on low-income non-trans women of color. As welfare policies have sought to constrain indigent Black women’s reproductive and sexual autonomy, courts use legal gender determination to force trans people to conform to heterosexist sexual and family structures—a project that works to constrain their reproductive freedoms. This Article connects the decades-long struggle of non-trans women of color for reproductive justice with that of trans people’s right to self-identify without medical intervention. In doing so, this Article calls for legal trans advocates to coalition build with existing reproductive justice movements to nurture a trans jurisprudence that rejects heterosexist notions of trans identity and instead embraces the multiplicity of trans embodiment and queer family structures that we, as trans people, can create.The Home of the Dispossessed
The objects that people interact with on a daily basis speak to and of these people who acquire, display, and handle them—the relationship is one of exchange. People living among household objects come to care for their things, identify with them, and think of them as a constituent part of themselves. A meaningful problem arises, however, when people who have deep connections to the objects that populate their lived spaces are not those who possess the legal rights of ownership. These individuals and groups—usually excluded from the realm of property ownership along lines of gender, race, and ethnicity—live on an axis of property precarity, persistently subject to the anxieties as well as the realities of dispossession. This Article’s launching point to explore these dispossessions is Henry James’ novel, The Spoils of Poynton, which involves a dispute about the settlement of a father’s estate and describes the battle between mother and son over the furnishings of the family home, Poynton. On a descriptive level, The Spoils of Poynton is a novel about a wife’s dispossession and the gendered nature of inheritance. The novel is also, however, about the exclusions built into property theories of labor and personhood. Accordingly, this Article explicates tactics of dispossession inherent in traditional theories of property ownership, explores the legal claims made to property ownership by those who have been dispossessed, and analyzes the ways in which the meaning of property for these individuals and communities is reconstituted within the political imaginary. The novel therefore tells the story not only of a property conflict between mother and son but also of how individuals who straddle the fragile boundary between personhood and objecthood both experience property as liminal fragments of the rightsholder they could have been and perform their property ownership as a political declaration. In this way, the novel tells the story of what it is like to live in the home of the dispossessed.Black Women & Women’s Suffrage: Understanding the Perception of the Nineteenth Amendment Through the Pages of the Chicago Defender
Susan B. Anthony once famously stated, “I will cut off this right arm of mine before I will ever work for or demand the ballot for the Negro and not the woman.” The racism of many early suffragettes has been well documented and discussed; Black suffragettes and other suffragettes of color were, at best, relegated to the margins of the movement and, at worst, scorned and turned away by white suffragettes. Moreover, part of white suffragettes’ strategy for passage of the Nineteenth Amendment was based on racist appeals to white men; white suffragettes claimed that passage of the Nineteenth Amendment would help keep white voters in the majority and, ultimately, would help uphold white supremacy. Against this backdrop, Black women—and much of the Black community more generally—still supported and fought for the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment. Recent legal and historical scholars have been dedicated to studying the often-overlooked and instrumental role that Black women played in the Suffrage Movement and Black enfranchisement. This Article seeks to look at the coverage by Black—largely male—journalists at the Chicago Defender in the ten years preceding and proceeding the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment. In doing so, this Article hopes to better understand the ways that some Black community members understood and viewed the Nineteenth Amendment and how that perception changed. Although in hindsight we understand that the Nineteenth Amendment was not the liberating feat for Black women that it was for white women, what does Black journalistic coverage in the period immediately before and after its passage tell us about the perception of the Nineteenth Amendment and Black women’s enfranchisement at the time? The methodology of this research differs from those used in other historical research regarding Black women’s suffrage. Many historians have focused on understanding Black women’s suffrage through studying individual women’s stories: In her groundbreaking and well-received book Vanguard: How Black Women Broke Barriers, Won the Vote, and Insisted on Equality for All, legal historian Martha Jones says that “by recounting the lives of some of the many Black women who engaged in political fights, the picture of a whole comes into view.” These histories rely on a large variety of historical documents left behind by, and about, individual suffragists and events to gain an understanding of “the picture of a whole.” This Article takes a different approach: it looks deeply at only one set of primary documents—articles printed in the Chicago Defender— to better understand the changes and patterns in community perception revealed through journalistic coverage. This is not counter to the important work of these other historians, who have helped recover the overlooked stories of suffragists of color. Instead, this Article seeks to further our understanding of these stories through a different medium.